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Plans by Bangladesh to place 100,000 Rohingya refugees on a remote and flood-prone island, where there have been reports of beatings and abuse by the authorities, have met fierce resistance. Some of those already on the island have said they will starve themselves rather than stay there.
The government of Bangladesh has spent £270 million on building a small city of mosques and red-roofed apartment blocks on Bhasan Char island, which emerged 15 years ago out of silt and sandbanks in the Bay of Bengal.
It remains almost empty because of the island’s vulnerability to floods and cyclones, and there have been reports of violence against the few Rohingya living there.
A Rohingya boy pleading for rice at Balukhali refugee camp in Bangladesh
DAR YASIN/AP
“We told [the authorities] to give us the date when we will be sent
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Hundreds of Rohingya Muslims, including children, have arrived at “a de facto detention island” in Bangladesh after being stranded at sea for weeks.
Rights groups had warned that the refugees, who had been turned away from other countries in the region, were at risk of starvation and abuse by people traffickers. It is believed that other boats remain adrift.
Bangladesh confirmed on Thursday that a boat carrying 280 people was being towed to Bhasan Char, an uninhabited silt island off the southern coast. The country’s foreign minister, Abdul Momen, had earlier said that refugees rescued at sea would be sent to the island to prevent any risk of spreading the coronavirus to the sprawling camps in Cox’s Bazar, where a million Rohingya live in cramped conditions.
Bangladesh, which has struggled to cope with the camps, planned to start moving refugees to Bhasan Char last December, and has built rows of concrete barracks to house about 100,000 people. The relocation was put on hold following an outcry from Rohingya community leaders and international agencies.
Human rights groups say the island, which can be reached only by a three-hour boat journey, has no access to basic services and is vulnerable to sea-level rise and storm surges.
Phil Robertson, the deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division, said there was no need to send refugees to the island to be quarantined because the UN’s refugee agency and other bodies had facilities set up for this purpose in Cox’s Bazar. Instead, families should be reunited with missing relatives as quickly as possible.
“While everyone is appreciative that Bangladesh has brought forsaken Rohingya boats ashore, arbitrarily branding the passengers as ‘new arrivals’ and packing them off to a de facto detention island like Bhasan Char is not a rights respecting solution,” he said.
Makeshift housing in the Cox’s Bazar refugee camp. Photograph: Allison Joyce/Getty Images
Many of the people on board are refugees who had been living in Cox’s Bazar but who attempted to flee in search of a better life in Malaysia.
“The Rohingya have repeatedly stated they do not want to be moved to Bahsan Char, but that is precisely what the Bangladesh government is forcing this group to do,” Robertson said.
Serazul Hoque said he believed his 14-year-old nephew, who had been missing for more than 50 days, is among those taken to Bhasan Char. Traffickers had told the family to pay a ransom to secure Nur Kamaal’s release, but he called on Wednesday to say the Bangladeshi navy had stopped his boat and that all people on board were being taken to a different location.
The family later heard news reports that refugees from the boat were being taken to Bhasan Char, but have not been able to confirm that Kamaal is among them.
“We are worried about conditions there and how good the healthcare is,” Hoque said. “If he comes back to his mother then his mother can take care of him … She is worrying for her son. She is crying.”
Sirajul Mostofa, the chairman of Rohingya Refugee Committee, said he was in contact with other families whose children had been taken to Bhasan Char. He said he hoped the government would reunite them with their families after the quarantine period.
Mostofa said there were no words to describe the conditions on the boats, but that people risk the journey because there is no alternative. “They have no future [in refugee camps in Bangladesh], they cannot see any proper solution at all.”
It is not clear how many more boats are still at sea, but Bangladesh’s navy and coast guard is on alert for others in the country’s waters.
The Bangladeshi authorities rescued a separate ship last month, allowing about 400 emaciated people, mostly teenagers, to come ashore after spending two months at sea. More than 70 people may have died on the boat, it has been reported, but no official death toll has been announced.
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The Rohingya are a Muslim minority group in Burma (also known as Myanmar). Considered one of the world’s most persecuted peoples, Burma’s Rohingya population has faced a long history of severe discrimination and persecution, violence, denial of citizenship, and numerous restrictions at the hands of Burmese authorities. The Rohingya in Burma have been forcibly isolated1 , cut off from public goods and services, and subjects of hate speech from government actors and others.
Most recently, the Rohingya population has suffered mass atrocities—including crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. More than 700,000 Rohingya have fled these crimes in Burma to neighboring Bangladesh since August 2017, where they live in overcrowded camps and face serious humanitarian needs. Many of those fleeing and crossing the border into Bangladesh have shared reports of mass killings, rape, and the burning of villages.
The Burmese government has established commissions to investigate the violence and to promote reconciliation between the Rohingya and those targeting them, but doubts remain as to the effectiveness of the investigations and whether the government is doing all it can to protect civilians at risk of violence. In fact, the Burmese government has done little to alleviate the plight of the Rohingya, and instead has enforced laws and policies aimed at making life unlivable for them.
Conditions in Burma remain too dangerous for the safe, voluntary returns of those who fled to Bangladesh. The Rohingya who would return to Burma, and those who still remain in the country, could again face the threat of genocide.
The Rohingya are a Muslim minority in Rakhine (also called Arakan) State, which borders Bangladesh and has a Buddhist majority that is ethnically Rakhine. Since Burma’s independence in 1948, the Rohingya have been subjected to periodic campaigns of violence. They continue to face various forms of official and unofficial persecution2 , including limits on the right to marry and bear children, limits on movement, forced labor, restrictions on access to health care and education, and forcible segregation.
Although Rohingya communities have resided in Rakhine for at least several centuries, Burma’s 1982 citizenship law3 does not include them among the country’s officially recognized ethnic groups, effectively denying them any right to citizenship. The Burmese government classifies the Rohingya as “Bengalis” and insists that they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.
Though the Rohingya are particularly at risk, they are not the only ethnic or religious group that experiences discrimination in Burma. Other groups, including the Kachin, Shan, and Rakhine ethnicities, among others, have been targeted by Burma’s military. Rakhine State is one of Burma’s poorest states, and the Rakhine ethnic group has also long suffered from economic discrimination and cultural repression by the Burmese majority and central government.
Attacks in 2012
In June and October 2012, tensions between the Rohingya and Rakhine communities erupted into violence against Rohingya civilians that left hundreds dead and more than 140,000 displaced, the vast majority of whom were Rohingya. According to both Rakhine and Rohingya witnesses4 , Buddhist monks and local Rakhine politicians incited and led many of the attacks, with state security forces failing or refusing to stop the violence and sometimes participating in it. The violence forced the Rohingya to abandon many of their communities, where their homes, businesses, and property were then taken or destroyed by the government.
The displaced Rohingya still live in official and unofficial IDP (internally displaced persons) camps under deplorable conditions. Humanitarian aid workers have frequently been prevented from accessing these camps. At a press conference5 in June 2014, Kyung-Wha Kang, the UN’s Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator, stated, “In Rakhine, I witnessed a level of human suffering in IDP camps that I have personally never seen before, with men, women, and children living in appalling conditions with severe restrictions on their freedom of movement, both in camps and isolated villages.”
Citing the need to maintain security, Burmese officials had essentially imprisoned much of the Rohingya population, using barbed wire and barricades to cordon off not only those in the camps but also thousands more in places where Rohingya communities were living. Often denied permission to exit, inhabitants of these camps6 face significant difficulties in accessing markets, schools, or health care facilities and are unable to pursue their livelihoods.
Attacks in 2016 and 2017
In October 2016, deadly attacks on police stations in northern Rakhine State—a predominantly Rohingya area—triggered a violent response by the Burmese military. The military pursued those who may have been responsible for the attacks in so-called “clearance operations,” but instead targeted the general Rohingya population. The military attacked men, women, and children, approximately 65,000 of whom were forced to flee into neighboring Bangladesh. In August 2017, following another attack on police posts, the Burmese military launched genocidal attacks on the Rohingya including mass killing, rape, torture, arson, arbitrary arrest and detention, and forced displacement of more than 700,000 people. A 2017 report issued by the US Holocaust Memorial Museum and Fortify Rights, “They Tried to Kill Us All” (PDF), documented these atrocities. Those Rohingya still in Burma remain vulnerable to further attack by the military, and face ongoing persecution, restrictions on basic freedoms, and hate speech. The persecution of the Rohingya has forced many to seek refuge in neighboring countries, often by means of risky journeys7 to Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia. Many seeking asylum have been vulnerable to violence, human trafficking, and other abuses8 .
In March 2017, the United Nations Human Rights Council established9 a Fact-Finding Mission to investigate human rights violations committed by Burma’s military against the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities in the country. The Fact-Finding Mission released its final report10 in September 2018, finding that crimes against humanity had been committed in Rakhine, Shan, and Kachin States, and that there is “sufficient information to warrant the investigation and prosecution” of senior military officials in order to determine their culpability for genocide. In September 2018, the US State Department issued the findings of a survey11 focused on the crimes committed in Rakhine State, which showed that the vast majority of Rohingya refugees who fled from Burma to Bangladesh had witnessed extreme forms of violence, and that the Burmese military was identified as the perpetrator in most cases. US officials had termed the violence “ethnic cleansing.”
Burma has an obligation, as a party to the Genocide Convention and under customary international law, to prevent genocide. The west African country The Gambia brought a case to the International Court of Justice concerning the Burmese government’s failure to uphold its obligations under the Genocide Convention. In January 2020, the Court ordered the Burmese government to take all measures to prevent the commission of genocide. To date, the Burmese authorities have not undertaken the necessary steps to reduce the risk of genocide to the Rohingya in Burma.
Last Edited: Aug 20, 2020
Author(s): United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, DC
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When the military of Burma, also called Myanmar, launched its mass violence campaign in late August 2017, Bangladesh was initially reluctant to open its border to Rohingya refugees. Under international pressure, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina quickly relented. Since then, Bangladesh has been unable to organize the international diplomatic support needed to decisively end the crisis.
With China and India both standing behind Burma, and a general election scheduled for later this year, Hasina’s government recently reached a controversial bilateral “arrangement” with authorities in Naypyidaw, Burma’s capital, to repatriate refugees. Dhaka initially insisted that repatriation be completed within two years — but the deal’s terms are ambiguous and impractical. Neither international organizations nor refugees were consulted in devising the plan. Many Rohingya are apprehensive about hasty forced repatriation, and opposition to the plan is growing within and beyond the camps.
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) militant group, whose attacks on Burmese security posts last year triggered the army’s indiscriminate “clearance operations,” has pledged to continue its insurgent campaign against what it calls “Burmese state-sponsored terrorism.” The Bangladeshi security establishment is concerned both that ARSA will try to recruit within camps, and that it will use the camps as a base for cross-border fighting.
Is ARSA linked to other regional or international terrorist organizations? So far, that’s unclear. Shortly before the new year, al-Qaeda in the subcontinent issued a declaration urging Bangladeshi Muslims to mount an armed rebellion in support of the Rohingya. It’s hard to tell whether that resulted from links between the two groups. But extremist networks in Bangladesh and Burma, whether led by hard-line Islamist preachers or radical monks, are gaining influence.
Bangladesh’s GDP per capita is a meager $1,400. However, in 2016 the national economy grew by 7.1 percent, and the country has made remarkable progress toward the Millennium Development Goals. While extensive international humanitarian relief has poured in to support the refugees, that doesn’t cover all the economic costs to the government or to the border region’s Bangladeshi citizens. The influx’s full effect may not be apparent for some time.
The coastal town and beaches of Cox’s Bazar used to be Bangladesh’s main tourist destination; now the area is awash with foreign aid workers. The area’s hoteliers are prospering, and many Bangladeshis have found jobs with humanitarian organizations. But day laborers and poorer locals have complained about price hikes for basic goods and about losing work to refugees willing to accept far lower wages.
The refugees have changed the demographics of Bangladesh’s Ukhia and Teknaf areas, where Rohingya now outnumber locals 2 to 1. Of the approximately 900,000 Rohingya, 73 percent are living in new spontaneous settlements, 13 percent in makeshift settlements, 9 percent among host communities, and 5 percent in formal refugee camps. Kutupalong camp is the largest and most densely populated refugee settlement in the world.
Authorities want to prevent Rohingya from assimilating into the local population. Camps are educating the Rohingya in English and Burmese, but not in Bengali. New refugees are barred from Bangladeshi citizenship through either birth or marriage.
The birthrate among the Rohingya is also much higher than that of Bangladeshis; in 2018 alone, experts expect refugees to give birth to 48,000 babies — who will face severe risks of malnutrition, disease and death. After diphtheria broke out in December, authorities launched a massive vaccination campaign. Although immunization has long been available to Bangladeshis — including in rural areas — public health officials worry that waterborne and other communicable diseases might spread beyond the camps.
Refugees are also at risk for trafficking, including for sex, drugs and labor. Abul Kashem, head of Help Cox’s Bazar — a local nongovernmental organization working to prevent trafficking and raise awareness among youth — warns that organized crime networks are eager to exploit those displaced by the crisis.
Environmental destruction
The environmental impact of 1 million refugees is difficult to overstate. The U.N. Development Program recently released an environmental assessment, identifying 28 risk factors threatening biodiversity and human security. At the peak of the violence, each week some 100,000 Rohingya — mainly women and children — were crossing into Bangladesh. Where they settled, thousands of acres of national forests were cleared. Areas previously inhabited by wild elephants are now barren. The lush, green, hilly landscape has rapidly transformed into flattened stretches of red earth covered in tarp tents as far as the eye can see.
Bangladesh is highly susceptible to climate change. For years the country has been grappling with soil erosion, rising sea levels and frequent natural disasters such as cyclones and floods. Landslides are extremely likely; many worry about what will happen to the refugee settlements when the monsoon season arrives next month. Groundwater sources are quickly being depleted and freshwater streams have become contaminated. Air pollution in Ukhia and Tekfnaf has increased because of smoke from firewood burned by refugees and exhaust from thousands of trucks, jeeps, and cars bringing people and goods into the camps.
The dramatic environmental consequences of this massive migration and will last for years, affecting people who live inland in Bangladesh and beyond.
As the world continues to grapple with large-scale population movements across borders — whether because of conflict or Mother Nature — much deeper, context-specific research on political, economic, social, security and environmental impacts is imperative to helping neighboring countries manage protracted crises in humane and sustainable ways. This is essential to ensuring that refugees do not become scapegoats in host countries like Bangladesh, where frustration among ruling elites and the local population may result in the forced return or further dislocation of the already dispossessed Rohingya.
Mayesha Alam recently returned from conducting research fieldwork in Rohingya refugee settlements in Bangladesh. She is a Soros New American Fellow pursuing her PhD in political science at Yale University and the author of “Women and Transitional Justice” (Palgrave Macmillan, 2014).
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On Tuesday, Abdul Jabbar Amanullah completed a long journey that he said he could never envision as a Rohingya child growing up in Myanmar — at the ballot box as an American voter.
That’s because in 1982, a few years before Amanullah was born, Myanmar stripped the Muslim-minority Rohingya of citizenship, rendering them effectively citizens of nowhere. They also were stripped of their right to vote, work, education and health care.
Growing up in that atmosphere — the United Nations describes the Rohingya as among the most persecuted people in the world — Amanullah’s goal was to escape. In neighboring Malaysia, he fared poorly, getting arrested 10 times after entering illegally.
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But his fortunes changed in 2012, when, with the help from the U.N., Amanullah, 35, legally moved to Chicago, now home to about 2,000 Rohingya, making the city home to the largest Rohingya population in the United States.
Shortly after, Amanullah began working at the Rohingya Cultural Center, 2740 W. Devon Ave., in West Ridge, where he is now a senior case manager. In 2018, Amanullah became a U.S. citizen, paving the way for Tuesday, when he voted for the first time in his life.
Before voting, Amanullah drove about a dozen other Rohingya community members in a van to the polling station at Warren Park, so all of them could vote for the first time, including his wife, Rehana Ahmed, whom he married two years ago in Chicago.
After waiting in line for nearly an hour, the group came out smiling and proudly displaying “I voted” stickers. Many struggled to put their feelings into words.
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Nasir Zakaria, director of Rohingya Culture Center, in a brown coat, stands outside the Warren Park Field House, an early voting site, after voting in the West Rogers Park neighborhood Tuesday afternoon.Pat Nabong/Sun-Times
“I’m not sure it’s hit them yet. This is huge. They worked so hard for this,” said Susan Chestnut, who teaches citizenship classes at the cultural center, as she held back tears.
“Usually as a teacher, I plant seeds but don’t get to see them blossom, but this I got to see. And this election is so important, it’s really about their life. It can impact their family from being able to come here.”
Chestnut added that the Rohingya community members are aware of the positions of the candidates and tend to prefer Joe Biden over President Donald Trump.
After casting his vote and walking out of the polling place, Amanullah said “I’m so excited and proud of this country. I feel like I have a future now.”
His feelings were echoed by 46-year-old Bibi Sabura, who voted for the first time after becoming an American citizen in June.
“This is amazing,” Sabura said.
Nasir Zakaria, director of the Rohingya Cultural Center and first-time voter, said he felt being able to vote confirmed his status as a citizen.
Zakaria said that “no matter who wins, we will say congratulations to that person.”
The first-time Rohingya voters were also met outside the polling station by a group of Rohingya community members who aren’t citizens yet but came to support them. Among those people were 35-year-old Imran Mohammad, who said he was excited for his fellow Rohingya.
“It’s truly amazing to see everyone vote. We didn’t have that opportunity back home,” Mohammad said.
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Rehana Ahmed, left, shows Bibi Sabura, center, who is voting for the first time, where to go to cast her ballot at the Warren Park Field House on Tuesday.Pat Nabong/Sun-Times
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The Southeast Asian nation of Myanmar, formerly Burma, is no stranger to conflict. Nestled between Thailand and Laos on one side, and India and Bangladesh on the other, the country has been the site of several international and domestic clashes.
But in recent months, a series of escalating events has made Myanmar home to one of the world’s most violent conflicts.
When Myanmar emerged in 2010 from decades of oppressive military control, the world watched, ready to celebrate its transition to democracy — but hopes of its smooth transition to democracy have been dashed, as reports point to a dark, ongoing humanitarian crime: ethnic cleansing.
The target is an ethnic minority called the Rohingya.
The conflict between Myanmar’s majority Buddhist population and the Rohingya, a primarily Muslim group, has its roots in centuries of history, but has worsened in recent years.
In the last few months, the situation spiraled displacing hundreds of thousands — as the world stood by and watched. Scroll through the below timeline to see exactly what happened and when.
The crisis has yet to be resolved.
The fate of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who fled systematic rape, destruction, and indiscriminate violence remains uncertain. For now, aid workers struggle to provide adequate health care, sufficient food, and ensure the safety of all.
While the UN raised $344 million to fund humanitarian relief programs to aid the Rohingya, it’s still $90 million short of its funding goal.
Despite calls to unequivocally condemn the violence from heads of state like Canadian President Justin Trudeau and thought leaders like Malala Yousafzai, Myanmar’s de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi has wont to address the escalating violence, prompting backlash.
During her recent visit, Nobel Peace Prize Winner Suu Kyi said people “should live peacefully, the government is there to help them, and they should not quarrel among each other.” She did not discuss the estimated 1 million Rohingya now living in makeshift tents as refugees in Bangladesh, the BBC reported.
Global Citizen campaigns for freedom, for justice, for all. You can take action in support of refugees here.
On Nov. 2, the same day as Suu Kyi’s Rakhine visit, Reuters reported that US lawmakers have proposed targeted sanctions against Myanmar, following up on an earlier threat the Trump administration made.
In the meantime, the Rohingya refugees who fled by the thousands on foot and on boats, await their fates as Bangladesh moves forward with its plans to combine two refugee settlements — currently over capacity — into one massive camp, which the Rohingya will not be permitted to leave freely.
The constraints on Rohingya people’s movements in and out of the camp will not be unlike those they endured in Myanmar, where thousands of internally displaced Rohingya have been confined to camps for years.
On Nov. 6, the UN Security Council — including China, which previously said it understood and supported Myanmar’s military campaign — issued it’s strongest statement on the crisis yet. It expressed grave concerns over human rights violation and called on Myanmar to grant UN agencies, humanitarian organizations, and the media full access to Rakhine state. The council also urged the government to work with Bangladesh toward returning the Rohingya home safely, and emphasized the need to provide rights, including citizenship, without discrimination.
The Myanmar government criticized the UN’s statement, saying on Wednesday that the council’s harsh words could jeopardize Myanmar’s negotiations with Bangladesh, though Bangladesh’s Foreign Minister said the government actually “appreciated the recent statement of the UN Security Council,” Reuters reported.
The two countries are expected to come together this month to discuss the repatriation process, but a senior official of Bangladesh’s Foreign Ministry told Reuters, “This problem is not going to be resolved anytime soon. The UN’s involvement in the process is a must.”
The Security Council has asked the UN Secretary-General António Guterres to report back on the situation in 30 days.
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